Does a cup-bearer have to be at a certain age? From what I understood, it was a grown man position in medieval times. Yet, we see Tywin becoming a royal cup-bearer at 10 or 11. Also, did the Mistress of the Robes have to be unwed like the ladies-in-waiting?

Ah, this one I can answer!

So GRRM has somewhat fused the office of cup-bearer with the office of page (although it’s complicated by the fact that he also uses the term page), which is creating the confusion.

From the ancient world through to early modern Europe, the office of cup-bearer was indeed an adult position of respect and influence. In order to prevent poisoning, monarchs appointed trusted men (or women, we have examples of female cupbearers in Beowulf as well as in the Bible) to serve them drinks and ensure they weren’t poisoned (sometimes doing double-duty as food/drink-tasters as well). Indeed, a sign of how important the position could be is that Sargon of Akkad, the founder of the Akkadian Empire, began his career as cup-bearer to the king of Kish, and that the King of Bohemia was given the office of Arch-Cupbearer to the Holy Roman Emperor during coronation rituals. Or for a less exalted but no less important version, you have the gentleman below, Sir David Murray, cup-bearer to King James VI of Scotland and future Lord Scone and Viscount Stormont.

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By contrast, the office of page was an age-gated one, which sons of the nobility would likely occupy from age 7-14 before they graduated to be squires and then knights. Pages did odd jobs for their knight or lord – carrying messages, cleaning stuff, helping to arm and dress their master, etc. and for the purposes of this post, fetching food and drink for their master especially at table. In return, pages would be given room, board, livery, and education in the fundamentals of horse-riding and associated sports, combat, basic literacy, music and other pastimes, and above all, manners. 

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As for the Mistress of the Robes, no she didn’t have to be unmarried: see Harriet Sutherland-Leveson-Gower, Duchess of Sutherland, Mistress of the Robes to Queen Victoria, who held the post before and after her marriage. However, ladies-in-waiting don’t have to be unmarried either; there were in fact different titles used to describe married vs. unmarried ladies in waiting, so that in England an umarried lady-in-waiting would be called a “Maid of Honour”; in France it would be “dammes” vs. “damoiselles”; in Germany it would be ”staatsdame”

vs. “

hoffräulein,” and so on. 

Since you’re an Historian, I quess you’re the right person to ask :) ASOIAF is full of seafaring vocabulary; since I prefered to read all the series in the original language I could never figure out the different sizes and shapes of all the different ships cited in it (although, I reckon that even if I read them translated, I still couldn’t picture them in my mind to tell the truth…) What’s the difference between a galley/galleas/cog/carrack/etc.?

Good question!

A galley is a ship primarily powered by rowing, tends to be rather long and narrow with a relatively shallow draft. Galleys were the dominant seacraft in the Mediterranean from the classical era through to the 16th century, especially in the era before gunpowder weapons where naval combat focused on ramming and boarding. 

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A galleas is a heavier galley – they were higher on the sides, they were longer than galleys, and they were slower. They also tended to have more masts and thus more sails than galleys, relying less on oarpower (although they had oars) in order to use the saved space for gun-decks, which meant that they could pack a lot more firepower than a galley. In a sense, the galleas is a transitionary ship between the pre-gunpowder era and the gunpowder era of naval combat.

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A cog is a sailing ship without oars, that emerged in the 10th century in the Baltic. Cogs are made from oak, have a single mast, and a square sail. They’re small ships designed for ocean-going commerce, not warships. 

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Carracks are larger sailing ships than cogs, with three or four masts, which were perfected by the Portugese in the 15th century. With more sails than the cog, you can sail a bigger ship faster, which made the carracks excellent for long sea-voyages and long-distance commerce, because their larger holds allowed you to carry more goods and supplies. When you think about the voyages of Columbus or Magellan, you’re thinking about carracks. 

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Chapter-by-Chapter Analysis: Jon I, ASOS

Chapter-by-Chapter Analysis: Jon I, ASOS

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“Might be you fooled these others, crow, but don’t think you’ll be fooling Mance. He’ll take one look a’ you and know you’re false…”
Synopsis: Jon Snow meets Mance Rayder.
SPOILER WARNING: This chapter analysis, and all following, will contain spoilers for all Song of Ice and Fire novels and Game of Thrones episodes. Caveat lector.
(more…)

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Chapter-by-Chapter Analysis: Sansa I, ASOS

Chapter-by-Chapter Analysis: Sansa I, ASOS

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“The old woman smelled of rosewater. Why, she’s just the littlest bit of a thing. There was nothing the least bit thorny about her.”
Synopsis: Sansa meets ALL THE TYRELLS Margaery and the Queen of Thorns.
SPOILER WARNING: This chapter analysis, and all following, will contain spoilers for all Song of Ice and Fire novels and Game of Thrones episodes. Caveat lector.
(more…)

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Is guest right a thing any where in history? I understand the historical precedence for condemning kin slaying, but is breaking guest right as terrible in real world history or is that a unique part of ASOIAF?

Absolutely. 

In many premodern cultures, guest right was considered sacred and breaking it was right up there with matricide or patricide in terms of crimes against the natural order set down by the gods. In Greco-Roman culture, for example, the right of xenia or hospitium was enforced by Zeus/Jupiter in his role as Zeus Xenios. Zeus would enforce this by disguising himself as a beggar (sometimes Hermes/Mercury would hang out with him, as he was the patron god of travelers) and then showing up to people’s houses, punishing people who turned him away and rewarding the generous. 

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Ovid formalized this tale in his Metamorphoses, where he tells the story of  Baucis and Philemon, who take in Jupiter and Mercury and treat them generously while their rich neighbors bar their doors. In return for their generosity, Jupiter and Mercury spare them from a flood that wipes out the entire town for failing their duty of xenia. 

Likewise, a lot of Greek tragedies have their roots in breaches of hospitality. The fall of the House of Atreus is littered with murdered guests and guests being unwittingly offered human flesh, the Acheans during the Trojan War have the support of Zeus because Paris abducted Helen while a guest under Menelaus’ roof, Penelope’s suitors in the Oddessy die because they have abused the right of hospitality. 

And you see this in other cultures too – in Norse mythology, Odin/Woden frequently disguises himself as a traveller and shows up at the front door of King Geirodd to test him. Geirodd, being a sadistic bastard, has his guest chained between the two fires of his hearth to torture him and refuses him food or drink. Geirodd’s son takes pity on the traveler and gives him food and drink. Odin reveals himself, slays the wicked king, and elevates the son in his place. 

(btw, Tolkein totally stole his look for Gandalf)

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You can find very similar stories in Celtic myths, and in the Upanishads of Hinduism, where the maxim “Atithi Devo Bhava” means “the guest is god.” 

Guest-right is not GRRM’s invention.

Dear Maester steven, in a post a few weeks ago you stated medieval calvary would defeat a Roman legion, and this is evidenced by Crassus’ defeat by the armored calvary of the Parthian empire. Taking this into account, why do you think the Romans never developed large scale calvary units or tactics?

There’s a couple factors, a lot of which boil down to the intersections between culture and warfare, but technology is also involved.

First, we have to talk about technology. For most of their history, Rome did not have access to the stirrup. Without stirrups, mounted combat is extremely difficult – any time you swing or hit with your weapon, or are hit in turn, you risk falling off your horse. It’s not impossible to fight without stirrups, but it takes a hell of a lot more training because you have to learn to grip the horse with your legs in time with your attacks and defenses. 

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For most of their history, Romans simply preferred to spend their time training in some of the best infantry drills the world had ever seen – which after all, had allowed them to conquer almost all of what was the known world – and subcontracted out their cavalry to auxiliaries from places, like Numidia, that had invested their time in perfecting the difficult art of pre-stirrup mounted combat. Think of it like a military version of comparative advantage. 

And then when the Eastern Roman Empire managed to survive the devastating invasions of the 6th century, they did something amazing: they changed their entire way of warfare on the fly. They borrowed the tools of their enemies – the recurve bows favored by the Huns and the Persians and the stirrups of the Avars –  and used them to construct a highly-trained, well-equipped professional mounted soldier armed with both bow and lance (and sword and axe and mace) whose skill and flexibility could offset the Byzantine’s perpetual manpower disadvantage, and redesigned their tactics and strategy around them. 

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Next, we have to talk about culture. For most of the early Republic, soldiers were expected to provide their own arms, and horses were incredibly expensive. So expensive that there was an entire Roman social class right below the senators called the equites, whose status derived from the fact that they had enough money to equip themselves with horses. Thus, Roman cavalry was always going to be a minority affair, because most of their soldiers simply couldn’t afford horses. 

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Once Rome shifted to a professional military, the cost transferred to the state and Romans had a very large military indeed. (Consider the Battle of Phillipi, where as many as 400,000 soldiers took part) Mounting this number of men would have been incredibly expense, and before the advent of the stirrup wouldn’t have seemed worth the effort, when Roman foot soldiers were just as effective and far cheaper to equip and maintain. 

Now, this gradually changed for a couple reasons. First, as the empire expanded, Rome came in contact with more and more peoples who fought on horseback, first expanding their auxiliary forces and later on (as those people were gradually Romanized) their own cavalry forces. Second, as the empire expanded, foot soldiers couldn’t adequately defend extended borders against fast-moving mounted invaders. So the Roman army had to change. The relatively slow and quite expensive Roman legion was abandoned in favor of a new system that divided the military between the numerically larger limitanei (who guarded border fortifications and acted as a first line of defense against invasion) and the elite comitatenses (the mobile field armies stationed in the interior who could be scrambled to fight invasions that had gotten past the limitanei before the invaders could reach major cities). 

Given this division of labor, you increasingly got specialization whereby limitanei were most useful as infantry and

comitatenses were most useful as cavalry. So even before the advent of the stirrup, there was already movement in the direction of emphasizing cavalry, simply due to the need to protect longer and and longer borders. 

While I can see what you’re trying to do on the Westros side (I think it’s a stretch), how are you arriving at the conclusion that essos is in the renaissance? I think you said that once. If not, my back up comment is about the importance of old nan in the generations of stark children.

Well, you might want to read this series I wrote on the different city-states of Essos. But the short version is: the Free Cities are (mostly) republican city-states rather than monarchies or feudal aristocracies, their economies are based on finance, commerce, and advanced manufacturing rather than subsistence farming; in terms of technology, Myr is producing lenses, telescopes, and advanced crossbows; Braavos uses the assembly line and interchangeable parts in the manufacture of ships and uses double-entry bookkeeping in its finance; Qohor has advanced metallurgy. Culturally, Braavos has Elizabethan theater for crying out loud!

Maester Steve, Are dowries standard practice in Westeros and if so are they a only a custom of the nobility, knights, merchants and other rich folk? If so what would be a proper dowry for a marriage of Lords Paramount, great lords, lesser/petty lords and landed knights? IRL, say England in high middle ages, what would be an appropriate dowry for a Lord’s marriage? For example, I know Margaret of Anjou was vilified for bringing near nothing when she married Henry 6. Love the blog!

Thanks!

How standard dowries are in Westeros is unclear – in ASOIAF, we only have the case of Fat Walda and Roose, Lyonel Corbray and the merchant’s daughter, Myranda Royce’s potential engagement to Harry the Heir, and in WOIAF we only have Argilac Durrandon’s offer to Aegon, and Aegon IV’s payment to the Archon of Tyrosh. They seem to be used in cases where a match is being made that one party wants more than the other, and the first party is sweetening the deal to get the other side to sign on, or as a match between unequals (House Bolton being older, formerly royal, and somewhat more powerful than House Frey, Corbray marrying “into trade,” Myranda being already married and only recently belonging to a house with its own fiefdom). 

If Westeros is anything like medieval Europe, however, they’re not just for the nobility. In a world where there isn’t a free market in land, marriages are how peasants can try to access economic security and social mobility, by merging neighboring farms into larger farms so that you can take advantage of economies of scale. Thus, poor peasants become middling peasants, and middling peasants can become rich peasants, and rich peasants become merchants. 

A standard dowry would obviously vary by rank, but it would usually take the form of a regular yearly income or a one-time store of treasure if one’s family was flush with cash, or in the form of land if one’s family had huge tracts of…you get the idea.

Imagine I’m a minor feudal lord (RL or Westeros, either works really). I’m male, in good health and in my 20s-40s). My liege goes to war and calls the banners. I show up with my levies but say: “Yeah, I’m just terrible with a sword. I’ll gladly help where I can, but I’m not riding onto the battlefield myself. Sorry.” How am I treated and what are the consequences for my reputation? And would that have varied throughout geography and time?

Well, let’s start with in real life. Especially in the early Middle Ages, you would be widely seen as unmanly and not really living up to your obligations, especially if you were that blunt about it instead of saying instead that you couldn’t be there personally because you needed to guard against border raiders or to deal with bandits or you were ill or something. But by the 12th century, when the institution of scutage was developed, you’d just be paying your taxes as a good subject ought, so the social consequences change enormously over time. 

In Westeros,look at how people think about Walder Frey as a coward and disloyal, etc. Unless there was some extenuating reason – no one else to look after the holdfast, for example – you would face a pretty sharp loss of face.

However, attitudes are different depending on other social norms. If you are a younger son like Leobald Tallhart, as long as your older brother is representing the family on the field and you’re needed to look after Torrhen’s Square, you’re not going to be treated the same way. If you’re the heir and your father is still of age, you might be left behind like Benfred Tallhart as opposed to being taken along like all of the Karstark lads, although Benfred forming the Wild Hares shows a certain impatience and a lesser but extant degree of social pressure.